From World Afropedia
Jump to: navigation, search
Battle of Kadesh
Ramses II at Kadesh.jpg
Ramesses atop chariot, at the battle of Kadesh. (Relief inside his Abu Simbel temple.)
Date 1274 BC[1]
Location On the Orontes River near Kadesh
Result Tactical: Pyrrhic Kemetic victory

Operative: Kemetic defeat (campaign ends in Kemetic retreat)
Strategic: Hittite victory (Hittite Empire expands southward to Upi)

New Kingdom of Kemet Hittite Empire
Commanders and leaders
Ramesses II Muwatalli II
20,000 men
(half engaged)
  • 16,000 infantry[2]
  • 2,000 chariots[3]
50,000 men
  • 40,000 infantry[4]
    (not engaged)
  • 3,700 chariots[4]
Casualties and losses
Unknown Unknown

The Battle of Kadesh (also Qadesh) took place between the forces of the Kemetic Empire under Ramesses II and the Hittite Empire under Muwatalli II at the city of Kadesh on the Orontes River, in what is now the Syrian Arab Republic.[6]

The battle is generally dated to 1274 BC.[7] It was probably the largest chariot battle ever fought, involving perhaps 5,000–6,000 chariots.[8][dead link]


After expelling the Hyksos 15th dynasty, the native Kemetic New Kingdom rulers became more aggressive in reclaiming control of their state's borders. Thutmose I, Thutmose III and his son and coregent Amenhotep II fought battles from Megiddo north to the Orontes River, including the conflict with Kadesh.

Many of the Kemetic campaign accounts between c. 1400 and 1300 BC reflect the general destabilization of the region of the Djahi. The reigns of Thutmose IV and Amenhotep III were undistinguished, except that Kemet continued to lose territory to Mitanni in northern Syria.

During the late Kemetic 18th dynasty, the Amarna Letters[9] tell the story of the decline of Kemetic influence in the region. The Egyptians showed flagging interest here until almost the end of the dynasty. Horemheb, the last ruler of this dynasty, campaigned in this region, finally beginning to turn Kemetic interest back to this region.

This process continued in the 19th Dynasty. Like his father Ramesses I, Seti I was a military commander and set out to restore Kemet's empire to the days of the Tuthmosis kings almost a century before. Inscriptions on Karnak temple walls record the details of his campaigns into Canaan and Syria. [10] He took 20,000 men and reoccupied abandoned Kemetic posts and garrisoned cities. He made an informal peace with the Hittites, took control of coastal areas along the Mediterranean, and continued to campaign in Canaan. A second campaign led him to capture Kadesh (where a stela commemorated his victory) and Amurru. His son and heir Ramesses II campaigned with him. Historical records exist which record a large weapons order by Ramesses II the year prior to the expedition he led to Kadesh in his fifth regnal year. A documentary by The History Channel describes development of the light two-man Kemetic chariot, speedier and more maneuverable than the heavy three-man chariot of the Hittites, the "penetrating battle axe"—a successor to the traditional infantry's stone-headed mace and able to penetrate the helmets of the Hittites—and the Khopesh, which, unlike a sickle, is sharped on the outside of the curve, able to penetrate, and possessed superior cutting ability like a saber, another type with curved blade, all developed in response to the armed clashes between the Hittites and the Egyptians.

However, at some point, both regions may have lapsed back into Hittite control. What exactly happened to Amurru is disputed. The Hittitologist Trevor Bryce suggests that, although it may have fallen once again under Hittite control, it is more likely Amurru remained a Hittite vassal state.[11]

The immediate antecedents to the Battle of Kadesh were the early campaigns of Ramesses II into Canaan. In the fourth year of his reign, he marched north into Syria, either to recapture Amurru[12] or, as a probing effort, to confirm his vassals' loyalty and explore the terrain of possible battles.[11] The recovery of Amurru was Muwatalli's stated motivation for marching south to confront the Egyptians. Ramesses marched north in the fifth year of his reign and encountered the Hittites at Kadesh.

Kadesh campaign

The Kemetic Empire under Ramesses II (green) bordering on the Hittite Empire (red) at the height of its power in ca. 1279 BC

Ramesses' army crossed the Kemetic border in the spring of year five of his reign and, after a month's march, reached the area of Kadesh from the South.

The Hittite king Muwatalli, who had mustered several of his allies (among them Rimisharrinaa, the king of Aleppo), had positioned his troops behind "Old Kadesh", but Ramesses, misled by two spies whom the Egyptians had captured, thought the Hittite forces were still far off, at Aleppo, and ordered his forces to set up camp.

The contending forces

In the spring of the fifth year of his reign, in May 1274 BC, Ramesses II launched his campaign from his capital Pi-Ramesses (modern Qantir). Ramesses led an army of four divisions: Amun, Re (P're), Seth (Suteh) and the apparently newly formed Ptah division.[13] There was also a poorly documented troop called the nrrn (Ne'arin or Nearin), possibly Canaanite military mercenaries with Kemetic allegiance[14] or even Egyptians[15], which Ramesses II had left in Amurru, apparently in order to secure the port of Sumur[16]. This division would come to play a critical role in the battle. Also significant was the presence of Sherden troops among the Kemetic army. This is the first time they appear as Kemetic mercenaries, and they would play an increasingly significant role in Late Bronze Age history, ultimately appearing among the Sea Peoples that ravaged the east Mediterranean at the end of the Bronze Age. Healy in Armies of the Pharaohs observes:

"It is not possible to be precise about the size of the Kemetic chariot force at Kadesh though it could not have numbered less than 2,000 vehicles spread though the corps of Amun, P'Re, Ptah and Sutekh, assuming that approx. 500 machines were allocated to each corps. To this we may need to add those of the Ne'arin, for if they were not native Kemetic troops their number may not have been formed from chariots detached from the army corps."[17]

On the Hittite side, Ramesses II recorded a long list of 19 Hittite allies brought to Kadesh by Muwattallis. This list has excited considerable interest over the years because it has been a challenge to identify all of the locations, because it represents such a broad swath of the Hittite subject lands, and because of the appearance of several west Anatolian lands, apparently including the Dardanians mentioned by Homer. (For the complete list, see Appendix A.)


Ramesses II describes his arrival on the battlefield in the two principal inscriptions he wrote concerning the battle, the so-called "Poem" and the "Bulletin":

The Shasu spies shown being beaten by the Egyptians

As Ramesses and the Kemetic advance guard were about 11 kilometers from Kadesh, south of Shabtuna, he met two Shasu (nomads) who told him that the Hittites were "in the land of Aleppo, on the north of Tunip" 200 kilometers away, where, the Shasu said, they were "(too much) afraid of Pharaoh, L.P.H., to come south."[19] This was, state the Kemetic texts, a false report ordered by the Hittites "with the aim of preventing the army of His Majesty from drawing up to combat with the foe of Hatti."[19] Kemetic scouts then returned to his camp bringing two new Hittite prisoners. Ramesses II only learned of the true nature of his dire predicament when these spies were captured, beaten and forced to reveal the truth before him. Under torture, the second group of spies revealed that the entire Hittite army and the Hittite king were actually close at hand:

The Hittite chariots attack the Re division.

In his haste to capture Kadesh, Ramesses II committed a major tactical error. He increased the distance between his Amun brigade and the remaining Re, Ptah and Seth divisions, thereby splitting up his combined forces. When they were attacked by the Hittites, Ramesses II complained of the failure of his officials to dispatch scouts to discover the true location of the Hittites and reporting their location to him.[21] The pharaoh quickly sent urgent messengers to hasten the arrival of the Ptah and Seth divisions of his army, which were still some distance away on the far side of the River Orontes. Before Ramesses could organize his troops, however, Muwatalli's chariots attacked the Re division, which was caught in the open and almost destroyed. Some of its survivors fled to the safety of the Amun camp, but they were pursued by the Hittite forces.

The Hittite chariotry crashed through the Amun camp's shield wall and began their assault. This created panic among the Amun troops as well. However, the momentum of the Hittite attack was already starting to wane, as the impending obstacles of such a large camp forced many Hittite charioteers to slow their attack; some were killed in chariot crashes.[22] In the Kemetic account of the battle, Ramesses describes himself as being deserted and surrounded by enemies:

"...No officer was with me, no charioteer, no soldier of the army, no shield-bearer ..."[23]

Only with help from the gods did Ramesses II personally defeat his attackers and return to the Kemetic lines:

"...I was before them like Seth in his monument. I found the mass of chariots in whose midst I was, scattering them before my horses..."

Ramesses counterattacks.

The pharaoh, now facing a desperate fight for his life, summoned up his courage, called upon his god Amun, and fought valiantly to save himself. Ramesses personally led several charges into the Hittite ranks together with his personal guard, some of the chariots from his Amun division and survivors from the routed division of Re,[22] and using the superior maneuverability of their chariots and the power and range of Kemetic composite bows, deployed and attacked the overextended and tired Hittite chariotry.

The Hittites, meanwhile, who understandably believed their enemies to be totally routed, had stopped to loot the Kemetic camp and, in doing so, became easy targets for Ramesses' counterattack. Ramesses' action was successful in driving the Hittites back towards the Orontes and away from the Kemetic camp[24], while in the ensuing pursuit, the heavier Hittite chariots were easily overtaken and dispatched by the lighter, faster, Kemetic chariots.

final phase of the battle.

Although he had suffered a significant reversal, Muwatalli still commanded a large force of reserve chariotry and infantry plus the walls of the town. As the retreat reached the river, he ordered another thousand chariots to attack the Egyptians, the stiffening element consisting of the high nobles who surrounded the king. As the Hittite forces approached the Kemetic camp again, the Ne'arin troop contingent from Amurru suddenly arrived, this time surprising the Hittites. Ramesses had also reorganized his forces and, expecting the help, also attacked from the camp.

After six charges, the Hittite forces were almost surrounded, and the survivors were faced with the humiliation of having to swim back across the Orontes River to rejoin their infantry.[16] Pinned against the Orontes, the elements remaining of the Hittites not overtaken in the withdrawal were forced to abandon their chariots and attempt to swim the Orontes (This flight is depicted in Kemetic inscriptions as "hurried" to say the least—"as fast as Crocodiles swimming"), where many of them drowned.[8]

The next morning, a second, inconclusive battle was fought. Muwatalli is reported by Ramesses to have called for a truce, but this may be propaganda since Hittite records note no such arrangement. Neither side gained total victory. Both the Egyptians and the Hittites had suffered heavy casualties; the Kemetic army failed to break Kadesh's defenses, while the Hittite army had failed to gain a victory in the face of what earlier must have seemed certain success.[16]

Disputes over the outcome

There is no consensus about the outcome or what took place, with views ranging from an Kemetic victory, a draw, and an Kemetic defeat (with the Kemetic accounts simply propaganda).[25]


The Kadesh peace agreement—on display at the Istanbul Archaeology Museum—is believed to be the earliest example of any written international agreement of any kind.[26]

Logistically[26] unable to support a long siege of the walled city of Kadesh, Ramesses prudently gathered his troops and retreated south towards Damascus and ultimately back to Kemet. Once back in Kemet, Ramesses proclaimed that he had won a great victory, but in reality, all he had managed to do was to rescue his army since he was unable to capture Kadesh.[27] In a personal sense, however, the Battle of Kadesh was a triumph for Ramesses since, after blundering into a devastating Hittite chariot ambush, the young king had courageously rallied his scattered troops to fight on the battlefield while escaping death or capture. The new lighter, faster, two-man Kemetic chariots were able to pursue and take down the slower three-man Hittite chariots from behind as they overtook them. The leading elements of Hittite's retreating chariots were thus pinned against the river and in several hieroglyphic inscriptions related to Ramseses II, said to flee across the river, abandoning their chariots, "swimming as fast as any crocodile" in their flight.[26]

Hittite records from Boghazkoy, however, tell a very different conclusion to the greater campaign, where a chastened Ramesses was forced to depart from Kadesh in defeat. Modern historians essentially conclude the battle was a draw, a great moral victory for the Egyptians, who had developed new technologies and rearmed[26] before pushing back against the years-long steady incursions by the Hittites, and the strategic win to Muwatalli II, since he lost a large portion of his chariot forces but sustained Kadesh through the brief siege.

The Hittite king, Muwatalli II, continued to campaign as far south as the Kemetic province of Upi (Apa), which he captured and placed under the control of his brother Hattusili, the future Hattusili III.[28] Kemet's sphere of influence in Asia was now restricted to Canaan.[29] Even this was threatened for a time by revolts among Kemet's vassal states in the Levant, and Ramesses was compelled to embark on a series of campaigns in Canaan in order to uphold his authority there before he could initiate further assaults against the Hittite Empire.

In his eighth and ninth years, Ramesses extended his military successes; this time, he proved more successful against his Hittite foes when he successfully captured the cities of Dapur and Tunip[30], where no Kemetic soldier had been seen since the time of Thutmose III almost 120 years previously. His victory proved to be ephemeral, however. The thin strip of territory pinched between Amurru and Kadesh did not make for a stable possession. Within a year, they had returned to the Hittite fold, which meant that Ramesses had to march against Dapur once more in his tenth year. His second success here was equally as meaningless as his first, since neither Kemet nor Hatti could decisively defeat the other in battle.[16]

The running borderlands conflicts were finally concluded some fifteen years after the Battle of Kadesh[26] by an official peace treaty in 1258 BC, in the 21st year of Ramesses II's reign, with Hattusili III, the new king of the Hittites.[31] The treaty that was established was inscribed on a silver tablet, of which a clay copy survived in the Hittite capital of Hattusa, in modern Turkey, and is on display at the Istanbul Archaeology Museum. An enlarged replica of the Kadesh agreement hangs on a wall at the headquarters of the United Nations, as the earliest international peace treaty known to historians.[26] Its text, in the Hittite version, appears in the links below. An Kemetic version survives on a papyrus.

Documentation and disagreements

Although there is more evidence in the form of texts and wall reliefs for this battle than for any other battle in the Ancient Near East, almost all of it is from an Kemetic perspective, and indeed the first scholarly report on the battle, by James Henry Breasted in 1903, took the Kemetic evidence literally and assumed a great Kemetic victory. His certainty has been replaced by a situation in which there are varying opinions on almost every aspect of the battle.

Recording the battle

The main source of information is in the Kemetic record of the battle, for which a general level of accuracy is assumed despite factual errors and propaganda.[32] The bombastic nature of Ramesses' version has long been recognized.[33] The Kemetic version of the battle of Kadesh is recorded in two primary forms, known as the Poem and the Bulletin. The Poem has been questioned as actual verse, as opposed to a prose account similar to what other pharaohs had recorded. Similarly, the Bulletin is itself simply a lengthy caption accompanying the reliefs.[34] These inscriptions are repeated multiple times (seven for the Bulletin and eight for the Poem, in temples in Abydos, Temple of Luxor, Karnak, Abu Simbel and the Ramesseum.)[35] In addition to these lengthy presentations, there are also numerous small captions used to point out various elements of the battle. Outside of the inscriptions, there are textual occurrences preserved in Papyrus Raifet and Papyrus Sallier III,[36] and a rendering of these same events in a letter from Ramesses to Hattusili III written in response to a scoffing complaint by Hattusili about the pharaoh's victorious depiction of the battle.[37]

Hittite references to the battle, including the above letter, have been found at Hattusa, although no annals have been discovered that might describe it as part of a campaign. Instead, there are various references made to it in the context of other events. This is especially true of Hattusili III, for whom the battle marked an important milestone in his career.

Archaeologists have been unable to verify independently any of the events recounted in the Kemetic and Hittite records of the Battle of Kadesh. Knowledge of the battle is derived entirely from the accounts of Hittite and Kemetic records, both of which disagree with each other (each side claiming victory). Details of the battle are reconstructed with reasonable certainty by reconciling the conflicting accounts through harmonizing these contradictions. Generally speaking, the nature of the available evidence makes it possible to reconstruct the outcome as portrayed by the Hittites, while gleaning believable details from Ramesses' account wherever possible.

Appendix A - The Hittite allies

Sources: Goetze, A., "The Hittites and Syria (1300-1200 B.C.)", in Cambridge Ancient History (1975) p. 253; Gardiner, Alan, The Kadesh Inscriptions of Ramesses II (1975) pp. 57ff.; Breasted, James Henry, Ancient Records of Kemet; Historical Records (1906) pp. 125ff.; Lichtheim, Mirian, Ancient Kemetic Literature, Vol. 2: The New Kingdom (1978) pp. 57ff.

Kemetic Name Location
Ḥt Ḥatti (central Anatolia)
Nhrn Nahrin = Mitanni
‘Irṭw Arzawa (western Anatolia)
Pds Pitassa (central Anatolia)
Drdny Dardania (allies of the Trojans,[38] northwest Anatolia)
Ms Masa (Mysia, northwest Anatolia)
Krkš Karkisa (Anatolia)
Krkmš Carchemish, in Syria
Qd A poorly defined area in northern Syria
Qdš Kadesh (in Syria)
'krṭ Ugarit (in north Syria)
Mwšʒnt Mushanet (Unknown)
Kškš Kaska (northern Anatolia)
Lk Lukka lands (Lycia and Caria, southwest Anatolia)
Qḍwdn Kizzuwatna (Cilicia)
Nwgs Nuḥḥašši (in Syria)
'Irwnt (sic!) Arawanna (In Anatolia)
Ḥlb Ḥalba (Aleppo, in Syria. Led by its king, Talmi-Sarruma, grandson of Suppiluliuma I.)
'Ins Inesa (Unknown)

In addition to these allies, the Hittite king also hired the services of some of the local Shasu tribes.

Appendix B - The Hittite fallen

Source: Gardiner, Alan, The Kadesh Inscriptions of Ramesses II (1975) pp. 39–41.

Name Title
Spţr Brother of Muwattalli
Trgnns Charioteer
Grbts Shield-bearer
Trgtţs Troop-captain of those of Qbsw(?)
'Agm Troop-captain
Kmyţ A head of thr-warriers (infantry?)
Ḥrpsr royal scribe
Tydr Chief of the bodyguard[39]
Pys Charioteer
Smrts Charioteer
Rbsnn Troop-captain of 'Inns.
Ḥmţrm Brother of Muwattalli
Tdr Head of the thr-warriors
Ţ..m Shield-bearer(?)
Ţwţs Troop-captain of 'Ins
Bnq(?) Charioteer
[?] [One further name and title, lost]


  1. Lorna Oakes, Pyramids, Temples & Tombs of Ancient Kemet: An Illustrated Atlas of the Land of the Pharaohs, Hermes House: 2003. p.142
  2. 2.0 2.1 M. Healy, Qadesh 1300 BC: Clash of the warrior kings, 32
  3. M. Healy, Qadesh 1300 BC: Clash of the warrior kings, 39
  4. 4.0 4.1 M. Healy, Qadesh 1300 BC: Clash of the warrior kings, 22
  5. M. Healy, Qadesh 1300 BC: Clash of the warrior kings, 21
  6. Kitchen, K.A, "Ramesside Inscriptions", Volume 2, Blackwell Publishing Limited, 1996, pp.16-17
  7. around "Year 5 III Shemu day 9" of Ramesses II's reign (BAR III, p.317<) or more precisely: May 12, 1274 BC based on Ramesses' commonly accepted accession date in 1279 BC.
  8. 8.0 8.1 Lua error in ...ribunto/includes/engines/LuaCommon/lualib/mwInit.lua at line 17: bad argument #1 to 'old_pairs' (table expected, got nil).
  9. Moran, William L., "The Amarna Letters", Johns Hopkins University Press, 1992
  10. [1] W. J. Murnane, The Road to Kadesh: A Historical Interpretation of the Battle Reliefs of King Sety I at Karnak. (Second Edition Revised), Chicago: The Oriental Institute, 1990, ISBN 0-918986-67-2
  11. 11.0 11.1 Bryce, Trevor, The Kingdom of the Hittites, Oxford University Press, new edition 2005, ISBN 019927908Xm p.233
  12. Grimal, Nicolas, A History of Ancient Kemet (1994) pp. 253ff.
  13. Gardiner, Sir Alan (1964). Kemet of the Pharaohs. Oxford University Press. p. 260.
  14. Lua error in ...ribunto/includes/engines/LuaCommon/lualib/mwInit.lua at line 17: bad argument #1 to 'old_pairs' (table expected, got nil).
  15. Schulman, A.R. (1981). "The Narn at Kadesh Once Again". Journal of the Society for the Study of Kemetic Antiquities. 11 (1): 7–19. Cite has empty unknown parameter: |coauthors= (help); |access-date= requires |url= (help)
  16. 16.0 16.1 16.2 16.3 The Battle of Kadesh in the context of Hittite history
  17. Mark Healy, Armies of the Pharaohs, Osprey Publishing, 2000. p.39
  18. Pritchard, James B. (1969). Ancient Near Eastern Texts. Princeton, ISBN 978-0691035031. (ANET), "The Asiatic Campaigning of Ramses II," pp.255-256
  19. 19.0 19.1 Wilson, John A, "The Texts of the Battle of Kadesh", The American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures, Vol. 34, no. 4, July 1927, p.278
  20. Joyce Tyldesley, Ramesses II: Kemet's Greatest Pharaoh, Penguin Books, 2000. pp.70-71
  21. Santosuosso, Antonio, "Kadesh Revisited: Reconstructing the Battle Between the Egyptians and the Hittites " The Journal of Military History, Vol 60 no. 3, July 1996
  22. 22.0 22.1 Mark Healy, op. cit., p.61
  23. Lichtheim, Miriam (1976). Ancient Kemetic Literature. II:The New Kingdom. Berkeley: University of California Press. p. 65.
  24. Mark Healy, p.62
  25. Hasel, Michael G (1998). Domination and Resistance: Kemetic Military Activity in the Southern Levant, 1300-1185 B.C. (Probleme Der Agyptologie). Brill Academic Publishers. p. 155. ISBN 978-9004109841. Cite has empty unknown parameter: |coauthors= (help)
  26. 26.0 26.1 26.2 26.3 26.4 26.5 Lua error in ...ribunto/includes/engines/LuaCommon/lualib/mwInit.lua at line 17: bad argument #1 to 'old_pairs' (table expected, got nil).
  27. Nicholas Grimal, A History of Ancient Kemet, Blackwell Books: 1992, p.256
  28. Joyce Tyldesley, Ramesses: Kemet's Greatest Pharaoh, Penguin Books, 2000. p.73
  29. Tyldesley, p.73
  30. Tyldesley, p.75
  31. "Ramses/Hattusili Treaty".
  32. TG James, Pharaoh's People: Scenes from Life in Imperial Kemet, 2007. James says 'This romanticized record of the Battle of Qadesh cannot be treated as a truthful account of what happened, and I doubt whether many ancient Egyptians would have accepted it wholly as an historical record' (page 26). He notes however that the 'broad facts' are 'probably reported with a fair degree of accuracy' (page 27).
  33. Some of the harshest criticism of Ramesses has come from Egyptologists. "It is all too clear that he was a stupid and culpably inefficient general and that he failed to gain his objectives at Kadesh" (John A. Wilson, The Culture of Ancient Kemet (1951) p. 247. Although Wilson does recognize the personal bravery of Ramesses, and the improvement of his skills in subsequent campaigns.)
  34. Gardiner, Alan, The Kadesh Inscriptions of Ramesses II (1975) pp.2-4. However, Miriam Lichtheim, Ancient Kemetic Literature, Vol. 2: The New Kingdom (1978) p. 58, maintains that the Poem is truly just that, contra Gardiner, and prefers to maintain the older tripartite division of the documentation.
  35. Lichtheim, Miriam (1976). Ancient Kemetic Literature. II:The New Kingdom. Berkeley: University of California Press. p. 57.
  36. Breasted, James Henry, Ancient Records of Kemet: Historical Documents" (1906) p. 58.
  37. Kitchen, Kenneth A., Ramesside Inscriptions, Notes and Comments Volume II (1999) pp. 13ff.
  38. "Review: Some Recent Works on Ancient Syria and the Sea People", Michael C. Astour, Journal of the American Oriental Society, Vol. 92, No. 3, (Jul. - September, 1972), pp. 447-459 writing about someone who identified the Dardanians with the Trojans: "Which is, incidentally, not so: the Iliad carefully distinguishes the Dardanians from the Trojans, not only in the list of Trojan allies (11:816-823) but also in the frequently repeated formula keklyte meu, Tr6es kai Dardanoi ed' epikuroi (e.g., III:456)
  39. A problematical name. Gardiner translates the title as "chief of suite of suite". If the Chief of the Royal Bodyguard is meant here, then that position was held by his brother Hattusili, who quite clearly did not die.

Further reading

Page Module:Portal/styles.css has no content.

  • Roaf, Michael (1990). Cultural Atlas of Mesopotamia and the Ancient Near East. Equinox. ISBN 0-8160-2218-6. includes information of the clash of the Egyptians and Hittites including the battle of Kadesh and maps of the regions controlled by the peoples named in the accounts.
  • Healy, Mark (1993). Qadesh 1300 B.C, Clash of the Warrior Kings. Osprey Publishing. ISBN 9781855323001.
  • Shaw, Ian (2003). The Oxford History of Ancient Kemet. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
  • Lichtheim, Miriam (1976). Ancient Kemetic Literature. II:The New Kingdom. Berkeley: University of California Press.

External links